SURVEILLANCE
IN BRITAIN: THE 7 TRUISMS
In researching my
book Invent-10n it quickly became
apparent that it wasn’t the surveillance side of State intervention in our
lives – the employing of cameras and digital-communication intercepts to
collect data about us – that we should be worried about but the use that is made of that data. And this,
in turn, led me to the belief that there are now seven truisms regarding the
surveillance-pervasive Britain of 2013.
Truism 1: We’re being watched.
Although statistics
on the subject are difficult to pin down, the consensus seems to be that, by
some margin, the British are the most watched people on the planet, with there
being one CCTV camera for every fourteen of us (a conservative estimate, by the
way). Now that’s an awful lot of surveillance and as none of these cameras are
regulated, there is no information regarding the data they collect, for how
long it’s held or who has access to it. The reality is that no matter where we
are, we’re being watched.
What this also
signals is how obsess the British authorities (be they police, security
services or local councils) are with CCTV surveillance: they have become the
most avaricious voyeurs in history. The British authorities like to watch.
Truism 2: Our e-communications are being
monitored.
What commentators
seem to have missed in the brouhaha following Edward Snowden’s revelations
regarding GCHQ’s Tempora system – the hacking into the transatlantic
fibre-optic cables by the British security services – was that Tempora is only one of the programs our spooks are
developing to better access, store and analyse our e-communications. It seems
to me naïve in the extreme to imagine that they – through some newly-discovered
sense of fair-play and restraint – have been able to resist the temptation to
create programs which are equally effective in tracking the calls you make on
your cell-phone, in reading the e-mails you send and receive and in monitoring the
social media comments you post. The assumption must be that all our
e-communications have been (or soon will be) compromised.
The British
authorities don’t just like to watch, they like to listen too.
Truism 3: Soon GCHQ will know us better
than we know ourselves.
The aim of
information gathering is prediction, to be able to identify the bad guys and to
interdict them – Minority Report-style – before
they create trouble. The only way to be able to do this is to have access to all personal data relating to everybody in the UK and to be able to
manipulate it.
This nexus point –
the time when the security services have the ability to collect, store, collate
and analyse the tsunami of e-data produced on a daily basis – is fast
approaching. The ever tumbling cost of data warehousing makes it financially
and technically feasible to store the mass of information hoovered up daily by
the plethora of cameras and e-survillance gizmos which GCHQ operates or to
which it has access. This has been shadowed by the development of ever more
sophisticated algorithms, the enormously complex decision trees used to solve
breath-takingly difficult problems by breaking these problems down into a long
string of binary choices. They operate much like the neurons powering our brain
which is a good analogy given that they have become so damned sophisticated
that they can now imitate thought processes.
Infinitely large
data storage coupled with the use of unfeasibly powerful algorithms means that
soon (a couple of years?) our security services will have a real-time 360⁰
portrait of each and every one of us. They will know what we did, who we
interacted with, what we said, what we wrote: in short, they will know
everything. All of these data will be poured over looking for patterns that
might suggest we’re thinking of doing something of which the government doesn’t
approve.
Truism 4: There’s nothing we can do to
prevent the spread of surveillance.
Scott McNealy’s
famous maxim ‘Privacy is dead; get over it’ becomes more pertinent by the day.
The demands from the liberal press that ‘something must be done’ to curb the inclination
of the security services to dig and delve into our lives are, ultimately,
futile. Knowledge is power and politicians (the putative masters of the
security services) are in the business of acquiring and wielding power. The
upshot is that any ‘controls’ imposed will have only a temporary effect: as
soon as the next 9/11 comes along that great get-out-of-jail-free card
‘National Security’ will be played and off we’ll go again. We will NEVER be able
to put the surveillance genie back in the lamp.
The recent
revelation that the Foreign Office is withholding over one million files which
should have been made public under the Public Records Act demonstrates the
arrogance of the powers-that-be when it comes to complying with the law.
Truism 5: It isn’t surveillance that is
the problem, it’s the use made of the information collected by surveillance.
Okay, so trying to
limit or curtail surveillance is a fatuous endeavour and one which is destined
to fail. The problem is that the availability of this surveillance-collected information
puts democracy at risk. This is what I call the ‘J. Edgar Hoover Syndrome’,
where the power derived from having access to so much (often very sensitive)
information has a corrupting effect on those accessing it. In an
information-driven society it will be oh-so-easy to follow the declension that
reads.
Yesterday
the Government was serving you ...…
Today
the Government is surveilling you ...
Tomorrow
the Government will be controlling you.
As Paul Valéry
said, ‘politics is the art of preventing people taking part in affairs which
properly concern them’.
Truism 6: Forget about controlling
surveillance, control the fruits of that surveillance.
So what is to be
done?
We are told constantly that GCHQ’s
surveillance systems are necessary to protect the British people from terrorists
and others who wish to do us harm. The danger is, of course, that this purpose
becomes blurred and that surveillance becomes a means of control and of social
engineering. The total automation of surveillance will protect us from this
sort of function creep.
We must remember
that it is not the computers that threaten our freedoms, but the use made of
that computer-harvested information by their human masters. Therefore, to
protect ourselves, we must take the human element out of the surveillance matrix:
we must use the computer to protect us from ourselves. The danger of
surveillance is that the information it gathers can be used by an
authoritarian-minded regime to subvert/subjugate a population. So it would be better,
in my opinion, not only to automate the collection and storage of surveillance
derived information – which is, broadly, where we are today – but also its
analysis. The computers that drive the algorithms analysing this data must be
divorced from the direction of the security services: the hunt for the bad guys
must be made totally automatic.
Not as far-fetched
as it might sound. Algorithms can be written which screen all the information
collected by surveillance looking for connections and trends and then the
system would act – automatically and independently of human intervention – to
thwart any identified threats. Any attempt to use the information for a purpose
other than protection of the British people from a terrorist threat would be
rejected.
The J.Edgar Hoover
Syndrome would be cured simply by ensuring that any would-be J.Edgars would be
refused access to the information collected by surveillance by the computers
controlling it.
Truism 7: Only when the human element is
taken out of surveillance will we be safe from surveillance.
Back in 1977 Lord Denning upheld
the deportation of Mark Hosenball who disclosed the existence of GCHQ – then a
state secret, saying:
‘There is a conflict here between
the interests of national security on the one hand and the freedom of the
individual on the other. The balance between these two is not for a court of
law. It is for the Home Secretary. He is the person entrusted by Parliament
with the task. In some parts of the world national security has on occasions
been used as an excuse for all sorts of infringements of individual liberty.
But not in England.’
We need to change things such that
Denning’s assertion is as valid today as it was forty-six years ago.